I have long had a difficult time grasping how (and if) my own ancestor, Thomas Pool (1708/1741) served as an "English Army Surgeon", when I had conceived that he was a multi-generational American at his birth, descending from John Pooll, the wealthy c1630-1667 miller/tanner (of the geographic area now known as the town of Wakefield, Mass. USA). But after reading some excellent, informative articles, I am beginning to construe that the English mandated that American colonists (prior to Independence Day in 1775) join England's battle against Spain, and as such Thomas Pool could be viewed as belonging to the English army-- even in 1740-41, preceding the later Louisbourg dates which have fouled up my earlier analyses for years. The American colonists were all still British subjects in the 1740's.
So, it seems that the references to Louisbourg as the war/timeframe for English Army surgeon, Thomas Pool--actually-- were pointing to this unusual war of disease dubbed Jenkins Ear a few years earlier, 1740-1741. Recognition of this timing shift, importantly allows some of the puzzle pieces to fall into place.
A review of Lemmon Poole letters, from Karen Trevino's research (at NEGHS) seems to support this revised 2012 logic but I am hoping that this Memorial Page could help unravel the details with the help of all of you 1700's military & c1630 England migration experts out there. Please make a page and link it to this one, or add a story in support here. International help is sought!
And accepting Eunice Green Pool, being a widow as proof of Thomas Pool's, before say, bef Sept 30, 1741, death date, eliminates consideration of the subsequent Louisbourg battle. See below.
Also, Charles Henry Poole, researcher/author (deceased), seems to have given a 1748 death date for (my) Thomas Pool (born 1708), among the other versions of this man's death. Whether this was a construction error, i.e. say, at "end of war" translated into 1748 or some other explantion is unknown at this time. See below.
But, trying to understand the c1740 background is critical to deciphering the POOLL family mysteries, so I must turn to the published authorities- remember that this Thomas Pool was the medical doctor to these sick c1740 soldiers surely onboard the hospital ship (see below):
1. Harkness' explanatory thirty page, 1950 article (via JSTOR or your library) is excellent, so read:
Americanism and Jenkins' Ear
by author, Albert Harkness, Jr.
The Mississippi Valley Historical Review , Vol. 37, No. 1 (Jun., 1950), pp. 61-90
Published by: Organization of American Historians
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1888755
Here are a few excerpts from Harkness:
“In Massachusetts Governor Jonathan Belcher was at first luke-warm to the enterprise, but later changed his attitude as the result of his rivalry with William Shirley. Ten companies were mustered, but expediency again changed his mind. Instead of giving out certificates to the six companies levied over and above the colony's quota, he discharged all but one of them. Thus the colony furnished only five complete companies to the regiment. [fn]39”
“Indeed, since neither the French nor Spanish fleets ever challenged Vernon, the health of the soldiers ultimately became the greatest problem for the British commanders. In the American regiment alone there were already about three hundred sick during January, 1741. Companies which had made a proud appearance on the parade grounds of New England were ('quite broke up and torn to pieces." Some of those who survived the "fevers and flux" succumbed to Sir Richard Rum, [fn 61] though the reforms of "old Grog". .. ”
“To add to the discontent of the Americans the Admiral broke up whole companies to fill vacant billets in his ships and it certainly did no good to the relationship between colonials and Englishmen when the Crews of northern privateers were pressed into the navy. Because the Americans were ill-trained recruits and did not have the protection of the regular British army, they were logical prey for naval press gangs. But whatever the cause, the result was a marked difference in the attitude of all concerned toward the in-habitants of the North American colonies. Blakeney, himself an Englishman, complained that, while the British were well cared for, there were inadequate provisions for the Americans.”
“Only then was Carthagena fixed as objective of the expedition.'' In final preparations for a siege, Negroes mustered by Governor Edward Trelawney of Jamaica and detachments from the American regiment were sent ashore to cut fascines and pickets for earthworks." The Northerners were considered fit for working - parties if nothing eise. After a week in Hispaniola the fleet headed southward to Carthagena. Though the commanders themselves had just decided on this objective, it had long been rumored as such in Jamaica." In any case, it was a logical conclusion and the Spaniards were ready for the voyage-worn troops. Life aboard a troop transport in the tropics is grueling enough nowadays and, if any credence is to be given Tobias Smollett, a surgeon's assistant on this tragic expedition, conditions were immeasurably worse in the mid-eighteenth century. But, as if the lack of tactical surprise and the poor health of the troops were not sufficient guarantee of failure, Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth contributed their personal squabbles to assure a debacle. It is not my purpose to re-examine the disgraceful command relations between the army and navy at Carthagena, a Situation by no means peculiar to this war, but, in the barrage of pamphleteering and letter writing which it evoked, to discern incidental evidence of the British attitude toward American soldiers. For more than a month the troops were subjected to "a climate where there is such a continual expense of the animal fluid, that as many gallons might have been necessary to repair the waste of four-and twenty hours, in a hard working man, sweating under the sun, which was vertical, and fed with putrid beef, rusty pork, and bread swarming with maggots." Ashore conditions were even worse though the men obtained decent drinking water by "sinking half-tubs in holes bored in the beach, which are filled with potable water, strained through the pores of the sand." With the rainy season came an epidemic which invalided many more. There were not enough left to prepare the earthworks for attack. Those who fell ill and were taken aboard the hospital ships suffered an even grimmer fate: they were pent up between decks in small vessels, where they had not room to sit upright; they wallowed in filth, myriads of maggots were hatched in the putrefaction of their sores, which had no other dressing than that of being washed by themselves with their own allowance of brandy; and nothing was heard but groans, lamentations, and the language of despair, invoking death to deliver them from their miseries. What served to encourage this despondence was the prospect of those poor wretches who had strength and opportunity to look around them; for there they beheld the naked bodies of their fellow-soldiers and comrades floating up and down the harbour, affording prey to the carrion crows and sharks, which tore them in pieces without Interruption, and contributing by their stench to the mortality that p r e v a i l e d . [citing to Smollett] In these miserable surroundings the mutual feelings of the Americans and Europeans ripened into deep mistrust.
[see entire, very well written article and read it...what a miserable death for Dr. Thomas Pool, since this would seem to be his likely fate at Cartagena, Columbia, 1741- so not Cuba, as I have long attempted to investigate. I would have to revisit why I believed Cuba in the first place, but it could be through phrases such as "expedition to Cuba" or similar.
Do records exist in the country of Columbia or in the United Kingdom of the dead soldiers?
2. Next, here is author, Walter Clark's excellent article, 1896:
A RECOVERED CHAPTER IN AMERICAN HISTORY
BY [AUTHOR] WALTER CLARK.
HISTORY records few instances of official incapacity and mismanagement so gross as the ill-fated expedition to South America back in 1740, in which perished, to no purpose, over 3000 Americans from the colonies on the Atlantic seaboard, and nearly seven times that number of English. Historians have not loved to linger over its details. Hence it is hardly noted in our books; yet it was a stern, sad reality in its day.
Six times have troops from what are now the United States visited in hostility the territory of our neighbor on the north—viz., in King William's war, 1690; in Queen Anne's war, 1710; at the taking of Louisburg. 1744; in the old French war of 1755-63 (when Quebec fell, and Canada passed to the English); again, during the Revolution, and in the war of 1812. In 1846 we invaded our southern neighbor. The expedition against Cartagena is the only case in which our troops ever engaged an enemy on another continent.
In October, 1739, England declared war against Spain. The real object, all pretexts aside, was to open the ports of Spanish America to British vessels. These ports were hermetically closed to all except Spanish keels. The object in view was no small one from a mercantile standpoint, for Spanish America then reached from the southern boundary of Georgia and the northern boundary of California down to Tierra del Fuego and Cape Horn. From this vast country there could be excepted on the mainland only the possessions of the Portuguese in Brazil, together with Jamaica and a few of the smaller islands in the West Indies. The stake was a large one, and Englaud could win only by destroying the colonial system of Spain.
It was a contest for the enrichment of the merchants and traders of England. Small interest had the North American colonies therein. But loving letters and proclamations were sent out calling on them for aid. Promptly on the outbreak of war Anson was sent to the Pacific coast, and Vernon to the Atlantic. Disaster at sea destroyed the hopes of conquest of the former, and turning his expedition into one for booty, and losing all bis ships but one, be circumnavigated the globe, reaching home by way of the East, loaded with fame and enriched with spoils. "Vernon, in November, 1739, with ease, captured Porto Bello and Fort Chagres (near the present town of Aspinwall), both on the Isthmus of Panama, and became the hero of the hour. The following year Great Britain determined to send out a masterful expedition under the same victorious auspices.
Accordingly, in October, 1740, a fleet of thirty ships of the line, and ninety other vessels, besides tenders, under Sir Chaloner Ogle, sailed from Spithead, Isle of Wight, England, carrying 15,000 sailors and 12,000 land troops—the latter commanded by Charles, eighth Lord Cathcart. They joined Admiral Edward Vernon at Jamaica, January 9, 1741, to which rendezvous came the North American troops, 3600 in number. It is in these latter that our interest principally centres.
The colonial troops came from nine of the colonies, as follows: Massachusetts, 5 companies; Rhode Island, 2 companies; Connecticut, 2 companies; New York, 5 companies; .New Jersey, 3 companies; Pennsylvania, 8 companies; Maryland, 3 companies; Virginia, 4 companies; North Carolina, 4 companies. Total, 36 companies. By the royal instructions these companies consisted of 100 men each, including 4 sergeants, 4 corporals, and 2 drummers, besides commissioned officers, consisting of one captain, two lieutenants, and an ensign. The British government, however, reserved the appointment of field and staff officers and one lieutenant and one sergeant in each company. The total was over 3600 men. The provinces of New Hampshire, Delaware, South Carolina, and Georgia sent no troops—the latter two probably because their forces were sent against St. Augustine (to which North Carolina also contributed men), and Delaware was probably counted in Pennsylvania, it being then known as "the three lower counties on Delaware." Why New Hampshire took no part is not explained.
It was ordered that the American troops should be embodied in four regiments or battalions, under the command of Sir Alexander Spotswood, to whom Colonel William Blakeney was to serve
[p754 starts here]
as adjutant-general. Spotswood had served under Marlborough at Blenheim, 1704; had been Governor of Virginia, 1710 to 1723, and in 1714 had been the first white man to cross the Blue Ridge —a feat which procured him the honor of knighthood. He was an officer of rare talent, a scholar, and a man of high character. His career was unfortunately cut short by his death at Annapolis, June 7, 1740, while waiting for his troops to assemble. He was succeeded in the command by Sir William Gooch, then Governor of Virginia—a post which he filled from 1729 to 1749. Blakeney, the adjutant-general sent out from England, was born in County Limerick, Ireland, 1672, and was therefore in his sixty-ninth year. He lived over twenty years after this expedition, to hold Stirling Castle for the King " in the '45,'' to surrender Minorca, of which he was Governor, to the French, after a gallant resistance, in 1756, and to be raised to the peerage as Lord Blakeney. He died in 1761.
The Massachusetts troops were commanded by Captains Daniel Goffe, John Prescott, Thomas Phillips, George Stewart, and John Winslow. The first lieutenancies of these companies were presumably filled under the general order by appointments sent out from England, and are not named. Among those not officers were Nathaniel Chandler, of Duxbury, ancestor of the late Judge Peleg Sprague, of the United States District Court, and Moses Thomas, ancestor of Hon. Isaiah Thomas, and of Judge Benjamin F. Thomas, of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts; and doubtless by research among the records of that State the names of others may yet be recovered. Nathaniel Chandler did not return, leaving, it is said, a widow and seven young daughters in destitute circumstances. Indeed, of the 500 gallant young men that Massachusetts Bay sent to this Southern expedition, only 50 lived to come home again. These troops were raised and officered in July, 1740. This colony seems to have appropriated 17,500 pounds. In the fall of 1741 a proclamation was issued for recruits to fill the ranks which had been so sorely depleted, but it does not appear whether any were obtained.
Rhode Island sent two companies of 100 men each. The Newport company, equipped in the spring, was commanded by Captain Joseph Sheffield, and the Providence company by Captain William Hopkins. The names of the other officers are not given, but it is mentioned that the first lieutenants in each company were sent out from England. A large number of men in excess had been enlisted, but they were discharged on receiving orders from New York that only 200 were needed. Before embarking the commissioned officers were dined by the Legislature, and the soldiers entertained at public expense. In August, 1741, it is stated that the British troops before Cartagena had been reduced to 3000 men; and, indeed, over half the force having perished in two days by yellow fever, Captain William Hopkins had come home for recruits, which were obtained, and the Tartar was equipped to carry them to Santiago de Cuba, against which an attack was meditated, but afterwards abandoned. Captain Walter Chaloner is also spoken of fcjr good conduct in this expedition. He probably succeeded Captain Sheffield.
Connecticut sent two companies, commanded, it would seem, by Captains Winslow* and Prescott; and in this province also, in the fall of 1741 and February, 1742, a proclamation was issued to raise recruits under Captain Prescott, who had been sent home by General Wentworth for that purpose from Jamaica. The two companies in 1740 were carried to the seat of war in three vessels, commanded re
* Colonel John Winslow, who hud been a captain in this expedition, commanded all the New England forces in Canada in 1755-11. It does not appear whether it was the Massachusetts or Connecticut captain of that name.
-spectively by Captains John Shaw, Nathaniel Shaw, and John Keith. Out of nearly 1000 men furnished by New England, less than 100 ever returned.
Of the five companies sent by New York, one company sailed September 19, 1740, in his Majesty's ships the Squirrel and the Astraa for Jamaica. Early in October the Rhode Island transports, those of Connecticut (one of which had been delayed to stop a leak caused by running on a rock), those from Boston, and the rest of the New York troops were assembled at Sandy Hook, under Colonel Blakeney, who was in the Ludlow Castle. On October 10th they were joined by those of the New Jersey troops which were to embark at Amboy (the West Jersey troops were to go down the Delaware River to meet them). On October 12 the expedition sailed to join Colonel Gooch with the Maryland and Virginia troops. New York raised 2500 pounds for the service. Connecticut gave 4000 pounds towards bounties (premia they styled it) and the expenses of the two companies she sent. Application was made to New York also for recruits in 1741. New Jersey raised two companies, and voted 2000 pounds and recruits; for they were also duly called for there, as elsewhere, Captain Farmer being sent home for that purpose.
Pennsylvania sent eight companies, but refused any appropriation. Of the Pennsylvania troops 300 were white bond-servants, who were given their liberty on condition of enlistment, much to the dissatisfaction of the province. Maryland voted 5000 pounds, and sent three companies. Virginia sent 400 men, and appropriated 5000 pounds for their support. The captain of one of her companies was Lawrence Washington, the half-brother of George Washington. Lawrence, who was then twenty years of age, distinguished himself in the capture of the fort at Boca Chica, and was also in the deadly assault on San Lazaro, when 600 men, half of the assaulting column, were left on the ground. He was fourteen years older than his more distinguished brother. North Carolina sent 400 men; of these, 300 were raised in the Albemarle section, then the most populous, and one company on the Cape Fear, the latter commanded by James Innes, a Scotchman by birth, but at that day a citizen of New Hanover County. Subsequently lie was in command of the North Carolina troops sent to aid Virginia in 1754-5, and as such was the ranking officer under whom George Washington, commanding the Virginia forces, served for a while at Winchester. The names of only two other North Carolinians who served in this expedition are preserved, Captain Robert Holton and Captain Coltrane. North Carolina levied a tax of three shillings on the poll to aid the expedition; but as money was scarce, the General Assembly provided that the tax could be paid either "in specie or by tobacco at ten shillings the hundred, rice at seven shillings and sixpence, dressed deerskins at two shillings and sixpence the pound, tallow at fourpence, pork at seven shillings the barrel, or current paper money at seven and a half for one." This seems to indicate no scarcity in either pork or paper money. Warehouses for receiving the commodities were directed to be built in each county.
Under the royal instructions the feeding and transportation of the troops, till they joined, were to be borne by the colonies, but their pay, clothing, arms, tents, and ammunition from the beginning were to be furnished by Great Britain. The fleet under Colonel Blakeney, which left New York October 12, arrived first at Jamaica, and the troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, under Governor Gooch, soon after. On December 14, 1740, Colonel Blakeney wrote announcing this. Indeed, Gooch wrote himself, December 8, that his command had arrived safely, and only the North Carolinians were still to come. These sailed from Wilmington, North Carolina, November 5, 1740. Governor Johnston wrote the Duke of Newcastle on that date, adding that the province would have readily sent 200 more if bills of exchange could have been discounted.
In the mean while the British fleet, with 27,000 sailors and soldiers tinder Sir Chaloner Ogle, proceeded, its 170 vessels having been scattered en route by a storm in the Bay of Biscay, to the rendezvous given the American forces at Jamaica. Stopping at St. Christophers and the neutral island of Dominica to take in water, Major-General Lord Cathcart died of a dysentery, and the command of the land forces devolved upon Brigadier-General Thomas Wentworth, an inexperienced and irresolute man—so styled by both Bancroft and Smollett. As the fleet sailed along by Hispaniola, four strange sails were espied, and Sir Chaloner Ogle detached a like number of vessels, under Lord Augustus Fitzroy, to give chase. The battle that ensued was bloody, and lasted till daylight, when the enemy showed French colors, and as war was not then declared between the two nations, the two commanders complimented each other, and went on their several ways, carrying their dead and wounded. This is a characteristic incident of those times. Smollett, the celebrated historian and novelist, was serving in the English fleet as assistant surgeon, and has left us an accurate description, it is said, of this sea-fight in the naval battle depicted by him in Roderick Random. The forces were united in the harbor of Kingston, Jamaica, January 9, 1741, under Admiral Vernon. Had he at once proceeded to Havana, as intended, it must have fallen, and Cuba would have passed under English rule, and the treasures sent from New Spain would have been intercepted. But unaccountably Vernon lay idle to the end of the month, and then he started east in search of the French fleet off Hispaniola. Finding that it had left for France, towards the end of February it was determined to attack Cartagena. On the 4th of March he anchored off that place, which had three hundred guns mounted. Instead of pressing the attack, he lay inactive till the 9th, giving opportunity for better fortification and re-enforcements to the enemy. He then landed troops on Tierra-Bomba, near the mouth of the harbor known asBocaChica (or little mouth), and attacked the land batteries also with his ships.
In this attack Lord Aubrey Beauclerc, commanding one of the ships, was slain. In the land attack 200 American troops, led by Captain Lawrence Washington, were mentioned for their gallantry. The passage, however, was carried, March 25, and three days later the troops were landed within a mile of Cartagena, which lay at the other end of the spacious harbor, which is really a bay several miles in length. The town was protected by the formidable fort San Lazaro. The enemy abandoned Castillo Grande, the fort on the opposite side of the bay. Had there been proper concurrence between the attacks made by the land forces and the fleet, San Lazaro would have been readily taken; but the worst of feeling prevailed between General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon, and thus there were two poor commanders instead of one good one, as was so essential to success. The whole expedition was shamefully mismanaged. The troops were brave, but the leaders were incompetent. The heat and diseases of the climate slew more than the sword. The town was bombarded three days, terrifying the inhabitants and injuring church steeples and convents.
After repeated demands by Admiral Vernon that a land attack should be made. General Wentworth, in a note to Admiral Vernon, April 2, 1741, demanded that 1500 Americans, under Colonel Gooch, should be landed to assist him. On April 6 he acknowledges the landing of the Americans. The assault, which was made on April 9, is thus described: "Stung by the reproaches of the Admiral [Vernon]. General Wentworth called a council of his oflicers, and with their advice he attempted to carry Fort San Lazaro by storm. Twelve hundred men, headed by General Guise, and guided by some Spanish deserters or peasants, who were ignorant, or more likely in the pay of the Spanish Governor, whom they pretended to have left, marched boldly up to the front of the fort. But the guides led them to the very strongest part of the fortifications; and, what was worse, when they came to try the scaling-ladders with which they were provided, they found them too short. This occasioned a fatal delay, and presently the brilliant morning of the tropics broke with its glaring light upon what had been intended for a nocturnal attack. Under these circumstances the wisest thing would have been an instant retreat; but the soldiers had come to take the fort, and with bull-dog resolution they seemed determined to take it at every disadvantage. They stood under a terrible plunging fire, adjusted their ladders, and fixed upon points where they might climb; and they did not yield an inch of ground, though every Spanish . cannon and musket told upon them and thinned their ranks. Some of the grenadiers even attained a footing on the ramparts, when their brave leader. Colonel Grant, was mortally wounded. The grenadiers were swept over the face of the wall, but still the rest sustained the enemy's fire for several hours, and did not retreat till 600, or one-half their original number, lay dead or wounded at the foot of those fatal walls.* It is said that Vernon stood inactive on his quarter-deck all the while, and did not send in his boats full of men till the last moment, when Wentworth was retreating. The heavy rains now set in, and disease spread with such terrible rapidity that in less than two days one-half the troops on shore were dead, dying, or unfit for service." Vernon sent a vessel to the attack after the failure of the land assault, but so badly managed it that she struck on a mud bank, and was destroyed by the enemy. It is said that he could easily have sent four or five vessels in deep water within pistol-shot of the fort, and if this had been done while Wentworth was attacking the land face, the fort would have fallen. After this the army went back to Jamaica, where it numbered only 3000 out of the original 15,600. Of this, even, only 2000 survived to return home. The sailors also were badly depleted, for after his return to Jamaica Admiral Ver*
179 killed, 459 wounded, 16 prisoners.
-non wrote to the Duke of Newcastle, May 30, 1741, that il without the aid of some Americans we could not get our ships to sea." And this was done by impressing them for that purpose—probably sailors from the sloops which had brought out the American troops. Yet, notwithstanding the promise in the royal proclamation, when these troops were enlisted, that they should be returned to their homes free of expense, Vernon had the effrontery to write to Newcastle suggesting that the few surviving Americans should be colonized in eastern Cuba, as "North America is already too thickly settled, and its people wish to establish manufactures, which would injure those at home " (in Britain).
Three thousand recruits, part probably from the North American colonies, were sent him, and he also organized and drilled 1000 Jamaica negroes with a design of attacking Santiago de Cuba, but this was abandoned. Thus ended probably the most formidable and thoroughly equipped expedition which up to that time Great Britain had sent out. Everything was expected of it. Under good leadership it might have taken Cuba, and ended the rule of the Spaniard in the New World. Its failure is only comparable to that sustained by Nicias in Sicily, as narrated by Plutarch. Vernon's utter defeat overthrew the Walpole ministry.
General Thomas Wentworth, on whom the command of the land forces devolved by the death of Lord Cathcart, was colonel of the 24th Regiment, 1737, brigadier-general, 1739, and after these misfortunes was made a major-general, August 14, 1741. On his return to England in. 1743 was immediately elected to Parliament, had interest enough to be promoted lieutenant general two years later, and died, November, 1747, while minister to Turin.
Admiral Edward Vernon was born at Westminster, 1684. He served in Spain in the early years of the War of the Succession. He was several times elected to Parliament both before and after the disastrous expedition in which his incompetency caused the loss of so many brave men. Altogether considerably over 25,000 men must have perished in the four months from January to May, 1741. Admiral Vernon was at last cashiered and dismissed from the service, but not for his incompetency, which is a venial fault in a government ruled by aristocratic influences, as England then was, provided the offender has influential connections. He did not die till 1757. Admiral Vernon was the first to order the sailors' rations of rum to be diluted with water, which unpopular mixture took henceforward the name of grog, from his grogram overcoat. He incidentally touches later American history by the fact that his name was bestowed by Lawrence Washington (who served under him) on his residence, which afterwards took its place in history as Mount Vernon. It is the irony of fate which thus links his name with immortal fame, for few men so incompetent have ever trod a quarter-deck as that same Vice-Admiral of the Blue, Edward Vernon.
Thus one hundred and fifty-six years ago the colonies came to the front. They responded to the King's call for aid with men and means to the full extent of their ability. Their troops served faithfully— aye, brilliantly. Beneath the tropical sun, at the carrying of the passage of Boca Chica, in the deadly assault upon San Lazaro, amid the more deadly pestilence that walketh by noonday, they knew how to do their duty and to die.
The merest handful returned home. But their States have preserved no memento of their deeds. The historian has barely mentioned them. Few names have been preserved. The recollection of so much heroism should not be allowed to die. Their States should yet erect cenotaphs to these their sons, the "Brave men who perished by their guns, Though they conquered not" — to the " unreturning brave " who sleep by the Cartagenian summer sea beneath the walls of San Lazaro.
[abt p754-758 above, http://books.google.com/books?id=kM4aAAAAYAAJ&dq=prescott%20cuba%201740&pg=PA752#v=onepage&q=prescott%20cuba%201740&f=false
Harper's new monthly magazine, Volume 93, By Cairns Collection of American Women Writers. A Recovered Chapter in American History by Walter Clark, p753+]